Recently, the PFDJ has deployed its senior advocates, who are spreading provoking and controversial statements. At the same time, they are exposing their obsession with insulting the people’s intelligence and spreading confusion.
In the last few days, a Swedish foundation awarded Dawit Isaak the prestigious “Edelstam Prize.” Dawit was the editor of the private Setit newspaper. In 2001, his newspaper was closed by the PFDJ government, and soon he was arrested; his conditions are unknown since he disappeared in the labyrinth of the PFDJ prison system since 2001.
Dawit’s daughter received the award on his behalf; in 2001 she was a six-year-old child when her father was imprisoned.
Last week, FRANCE 24 reporter Olivia Bizot contacted Yemane Gebremeskel, the Eritrean minister of information, to ask about Dawit Isaak. He told her: this [the imprisonment of Dawit Isaak] is an old story, and he doesn’t want her to waste his time!
Such is the regime that is ruling Eritreans with an iron fist since Independence Day in 1991.
The PFDJ has kept Eritreans hostages, keeping them busy in endless crises, burdened with anxiety, with no justice or freedom.
But Yemane doesn’t have qualms when told Olivia Bizot that Dawit’s story is old and doesn’t warrant talking about it. Would he have the same attitude if it were Yemane himself languishing in jail for over two decades? Eritreans are left to mimic, “Don’t cry for me, Eritrea.” But that is a trend; this is what his responses were like when the BBC interviewed him in October 2001—23 years ago!
We were going to ridicule the following interview from 2001, but the PFDJ is fond of ridiculing itself. Therefore, we presented it as is.
Yemane Gebremeskel is the official Spokesperson of the G-1, team NSU, unless he was reshuffled recently. The BBC conducted the following interview with Yemane on Wednesday, October 10, 2001:
BBC: Why is the government muzzling its critics?
Yemane: They were not muzzled. This thing has been going on for thirteen months; the government was extremely tolerant, extremely patient. When people were going beyond the law, playing, when everybody in the country saw it was illegal…
BBC: Like What? Just give me an idea: what did they do? Were they holding clandestine meetings? Were they talking to overthrow the government? I mean, what is the threat—the threat that this group posed?
Yemane: Let’s say they have been involved clearly in illegal activities that endangered the sovereignty of the national security and sovereignty of this country. And that has been said, have been expressed publicly when they were arrested. Prior to that, these people have been expressing their views without any hindrance. The population of this country has been requesting; everybody has been saying, “This thing should be stopped; it is going beyond limits.”
BBC: It is not the activities that you didn’t like or the public statements that you didn’t like… the statements that… they felt the president was not consulting enough and the country was not heading towards democracy fast enough. I mean basically criticizing the leadership?
Yemane: Nobody in this country is arrested because he holds or expresses a different opinion. Nobody in this country has ever been arrested because of his views. I mean, anybody is free. I agree with you [inaudible] the government is doing. You are free to express your opinion.
BBC: What are these people going to be charged with?
Yemane: I cannot prejudge that now. It is not my job. I think it is the job of the ummmm, unnn, um. eh…legal authorities.
BBC: But they are being held in detention without charge at the moment?
Yemane: Ummm…you know these are legal matters. I am, no… I don’t think I am qualified to, to, to… answer those, but I think the government here operates within the bounds of legality.
BBC: One of the dissidents, Mesfin Hagos, has indicated that he is coming back to Eritrea; what are you going to do? Are you going to let him back into the country?
Yemane: Every citizen has the right to return. So, the issue is, if he wants to return, I don’t know why he left the country in the first place; if he wants to return, he can return. If he is guilty of illegal things, then he is not above the law. Nobody is above the law.
BBC: Does he face the threat of arrest if he comes back?
Yemane: not; he is not above the law. That is what I want to say. BBC: Because that is extraordinary; somebody like him, a well-respected figure; somebody who is a legend in the liberation struggle; a former defense minister! It is extraordinary that somebody like him and others who spoke out against the president now find themselves either under the threat of arrest, in exile, or [inaudible] under detention.
Yemane: You don’t find it extraordinary that these people are also un, I umhh ahh mm, un er. Ennmmm involved in illegal activities or…
BBC: I mean…
Yemane: Hang on. There is nothing extraordinary here. We have to find out what the problems are, what these people are after…
BBC: But you just told me that they have been involved in illegal acts, but you cannot tell me what the illegal acts are; I have asked you what these people are charged with, and you can’t tell me what they are charged with. This is hardly, you know, an open process.
Yemane: I think it is a matter of time.
_________
Yemane needed time. Yes, time to produce an accusation. In the meantime, the G-1 was busy floating and testing various possibilities of crime: regionalism, defeatism, corruption, treason, and treachery. Mind you, “defeatism” is a “belief.” It is an act and a Stalinist accusation that was used in World War II to ensure that the Soviet Army did not even entertain retreating. It is consistent with Stalinist dogma that people can be punished not just for the things they do but for the thoughts that cross their minds. It reinforces our belief that the PFDJ is still an unreformed communist-authoritarian system and that people are condemned not just for their deeds but also for harboring certain beliefs.
In one of his interviews, Mesfun Hagos asked, What penal code does “defeatism” fall in? And what shall it charge the G-15 with? As Yemane said, “It is a question of time.” The G-1 has got all its errand boys testing out various theories and flamboyant stories: stories that cast the leader of the G-1 as a heroic combatant and brilliant war strategist; and the Reformers as frightened cowards and co-conspirators of the Weyane. They are stories that cast the leader of the G-1 as incorruptible but the Reformers as corrupt. From this grand menu of choices, the story that gets the most votes (in terms of mindless repetition by the uncritical masses of their followers) will be the one G-1 level such a charge against them? He did, in the rumor network—nothing official in the open. You see, Isaias IS a democrat who believes in choices. He does give people choices on how to frame people.
Asked about Mesfun Hagos, Yemane Gebremeskel said, “I don’t know why he left the country in the first place; if he wants to return, he can return.” According to Mesfun Hagos (Source: news.asmarino.com Mesfin Hagos Interview, Part 3, Page 5 in Tigrigna.) Yemane’s government knows why Mesfun Hagos left the country (“I left Eritrea, with the permission of the government, because I had a medical appointment abroad.” But what is stopping him from returning to his country? His passport was revoked in Germany while en route from the USA to Eritrea. Under these circumstances (where government officials lie even when they don’t have to), why would Eritreans have any faith in the government of G-1 to apply the rule of law, due process, and acceptable court proceedings?
Links:
BBC Interview’s Yemane Gebremeskel (Oct, 2001)
France 24 (Olivia Bizot, Nov 2024) report of Yemane Gebremeskel’s answer
